| Many Christians define
themselves by biblical images. One of the best known is the story
of the liberation of the children of Israel from the tyranny of
the Egyptian pharaoh. Contemporary women discover new possibilities
for engaging in social transformation when they read how Hebrew
midwives outwitted the pharaoh and weakened his power over them
(Exodus 1:15-22). Question: How can those of us who are not midwives
learn from the Exodus story as we seek to work for social change?
I have come to the uncomfortable conclusion that most of us
identify as servants in pharaoh's court, lower echelon folk
who have advancement possibilities if we play our cards right.
This is true whether our "pharaoh" is the current
occupant of the White House, the CEO of the corporation that
employs us, or the head of the real estate agency where we still
work only on commission. How do we relate to the society around
us, particularly if we wish to change it? The Exodus story provides
a number of options.
Option One: The easiest thing is to accept the perks
and the comforts with gratitude. Even though the job situation
is tight, the hours are usually good, and the pension plan will
be adequate. We have reasonable job security provided we get
to work on time, exude efficiency, and carry out the boss's
orders. If the pharaoh says "Jump!" we'll ask "How
high?" and if he says "Crack down on the Jews,"
we'll ask, "How hard?"
The price we pay is selling our souls to the highest bidder.
We let someone else manipulate the strings of our puppet-like
existence.
Option Two: Some of us still want to help others a little
bit so long as it doesn't get us in trouble. When we discover
how many people fall below the poverty line, we make a gist
to a charitable organization. When we discover how many people
have no jobs, no homes and no food, we volunteer to help set
up shelters and soup kitchens. Sometimes the pharaohs applaud
our humane gestures, and at the annual banquet of the service
associations we may be cited on the Honor Role of Responsible
Citizens.
The price we pay is that we are kidding ourselves. We aren't
really changing anything. We are tinkering around the edges
of a fundamentally unjust situation, making no more than cosmetic
adjustments. No matter how kind we are to people at the soup
kitchen, they are soon going to be hungry again.
Option Three: Occasionally people become aware of the
final ineffectiveness of such efforts, necessary as they may
be in the short run. They decide that the social fabric must
be ripped off, and the faulty structure under it displayed for
what it really is, so that the construction can be discarded,
and we can rebuild out of the debris. Let us be honest. We are
talking about radical social change or revolution.
Radical social change is not likely to emanate from affluent
suburbs, where the inhabitants benefit from the inequities.
Let us remember that we, who have little zeal for "starting
a revolution," are usually content with a world in which
the possibilities of genuine improvement are minimal. The conclusion
we usually arrive at, as we face the poor, is that we don't
want radical change, and so we'll see to it that the poor, who
may want it, don't have a chance to practice it. Revolution
looks attractive only when one is on the bottom.
The price we pay is our bypassing of one of the great insights
of the twentieth century, that those who make peaceful revolution
impossible will make violent revolution inevitable. What is
called "the revolution of rising expectations" is
the poor's greatest hope and the non-poor's greatest nightmare.
Option Four: Uneasy servants in pharaoh's court sometimes
decide that their most creative option is to leave the court
and start all over again. In Christian history this has been
an important option, practiced with particular integrity by
such groups as Quakers and Mennonites. Small groups withdraw
as much as possible from the evil compromises of life in pharaoh's
court, establishing communities where the power of government
and big business and militarism can no longer brush aside the
demands of individual conscience.
The witness is so clear-cut that it cannot simply be ignored,
for those who adopt it have an impressive track record of enduring
ridicule or attack, rather than yielding to the conventional
standards of society.
The price we pay for this position is that disengagement from
pharaoh's court removes us from the arena of immediate political
effectiveness, and allows the power of conventional decision-making
to avoid direct challenge. Those who adopt this position, however,
believe that "the time is now" for creating a new
society rather than waiting for a more "propitious"
time.
Option Five: A final option is to stay within Pharaoh's
court, conscious of all the compromises, but trying to be the
loyal opposition. Such persons say, "In less than ideal
situations, we will work for a society that tilts more toward
justice rather than less. And when pharaoh makes decisions to
which we cannot say "yes," we will try to speak a
clear and collective "no," rather than a reluctant
"yes."
Before the recent Gulf War, almost all the mainline Protestant
and Catholic church leaders opposed the arms buildup and the
consequent military action. From within pharaoh's court they
tried "to speak truth to power," and power refused
to listen. That was not a time to leave, however, but more than
ever a time to remain and keep mounting a moral challenge, particularly
when the human costs of the Gulf War were, by any standard of
measurement, morally devastating in terms of the immensity of
the consequent human suffering. Pharaoh's court will continue
to need the massive work of critique from within as well as
without.
The price we pay for being "the loyal opposition"
is that we are never quite sure when we must leave, if we are
to be faithful to the God at work within us. We run the risk
of being accomplices in evil.
And if that's not clear, just ask Moses.
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